Can economics get a better grip on the world by cribbing ideas from catastrophe theory, chaos, complexity, physics, biology, other fields? That was the question explored by a score of economists and quasi-economists from the U.S., Europe, Russia and Japan last Saturday at James Madison University in Virginia. They discussed a wide range of topics, including how cellular automata can yield insights into racial segregation in urban housing; how the evolution of organisms resembles and differs from that of musical instruments, handtools and other technologies; how catastrophe theory can illuminate business cycles; how physics methods can improve modeling of financial markets and make you filthy rich; and so on.

The meeting reminded me of the Santa Fe Institute, that once-touted hotbed of interdisciplinary research into complex phenomena. This similarity was not a coincidence: the meeting’s organizer, JMU economist J. Barkley Rosser Jr., is an avid proponent of Santa Fe-style complexity research. I met Barkley while giving a talk on “The End of War” at JMU in early April. He’s a big, jovial guy who spouts conjectures, opinions, factoids, jokes at high volume, in both senses of the word. He’d read my critique of “chaoplexity” (an amalgam of chaos and complexity) in The End of Science and thought I might enjoy attending his upcoming meeting. I figured any gathering he organized would be lots of fun, so I headed back to JMU last Friday.

The lectures and food and drink and interstitial conversations were even more enjoyable than I expected. Barkley gave a evangelical summary talk—actually, “yell” would be a more appropriate term; like I said, he’s a high volume speaker—in which he rejected my pessimistic take on chaoplexity and envisioned solid achievements emerging from “econophysics,” “econobiology” and other interdisciplinary approaches to economics. Here’s the final line from a paper he handed out: “A grand synthetic transdisciplinary perspective on economic complexity is probably beyond our reach, except in occasional cases, but the transdisciplinary perspective at a more modest level is alive and well, and promises an interesting research program.”

Part of me wanted to jump up and yell, “Right on Barkley! Chaoplexity rules!” But that part was overruled by another part that is intractably narrow-minded and stubborn and loath to admit I’m wrong. Also, the meeting, for all its sense of intellectual fizziness and ferment, merely reinforced my skepticism that chaoplexity or physics or biology or all of the above can make economics and other “soft” social sciences more rigorous.

First, there is the stark historical fact that economics keeps lurching faddishly from one approach to another rather than converging on a single paradigm the way that more successful scientific fields such as nuclear physics or molecular biology do. The obvious reason is that economies are fantastically complicated in comparison to atomic nuclei or galaxies or E. coli or other phenomena that have proven more scientifically tractable.

Moreover, whereas galaxies and protons and E. coli are relatively stable phenomena, economies vary tremendously across space and time. The U.S. economy today is radically different than it was even a decade ago. Economists are thus chasing a moving target. It gets worse: galaxies, protons and E. coli don’t care what scientists think about them. Social systems, on the other hand, consist of objects that read newspapers and journals and books and blogs and change their behavior as a result.

Newton’s model of planetary motion did not affect Jupiter’s course, but an initially persuasive model of dollar-pound exchange rates may affect those rates in a way that soon renders the model useless. In other words, the effort to understand economies—or indeed almost any social system—changes the system! Marx creates Marxists, Keynes Keynsians, Freud Freudians, leading to wars and depressions and lots of bad psychotherapy.

For all these reasons, I view economics in the same way that the late Clifford Geertz viewed his field, cultural anthropology. Anthropology, Geertz said, “is a science whose progress is marked less by a perfection of consensus than by a refinement of debate. What gets better is the precision with which we vex each other.” (I love that “vex” remark.) Geertz also told me that in anthropology “things get more and more complicated, but they don’t converge to a single point. They spread out and disperse in a very complex way. So I don’t see everything heading toward some grand integration. I see it as much more pluralistic and differentiated.”

Geertz called anthropology “faction,” which he defined as “imaginative writing about real people in real places at real times.” This is postmodernism. Postmodernism does not apply to all of science; science can sometimes achieve absolute, permanent truth. But postmodernism certainly applies to economics and other social sciences. Economists who abhor postmodernism might prefer thinking of their discipline as a branch of engineering. Engineers don’t seek The Truth or The Answer, a unique and universal explanation of a phenomenon or solution to a problem. Engineers merely seek answers to specific, localized, temporary problems, whether building a bridge across the Hudson, reducing segregation in cities or making moola in the stock market. I’m sure Barkley would agree: if you’ve got a model that can make you rich, who cares if it’s True or merely true?


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